The blog goes on vacation, see you in September.
Thursday, July 26, 2007
Sunday, July 22, 2007
Parts Labeled Motor Core
A review of Andrea Romano on the nominations to the secretary of the Democratic Party
E 'in the latter days of July that the center will have to decide what to wear in the fall. Because next week we will define the terms of the political game designed to re-open in September already. On the one hand with the conclusion of the collection of signatures for the referendum election, the other with the formalization of the candidacy of Henry Read in the leadership of the Democratic Party.
two events are separate only in appearance, because their plot will push the majority to establish once and for all the direction to take to get out of the shallows where it is. An opportunity will be clear from the first choice of beds, which will help make the primaries for the leadership of the transparent Pd contention between different policy options in the entire country - not just the center-left - shows that they need. Even now, what should have been a sad path coronation plebiscite became richer and more exciting. The candidacy of Rosy Bindi, in addition to the power of popular social witness of which he is, attracts acclaim for his outspoken defense of the experience of government embodied by Romano Prodi: "The origins of prodismo - come ha scritto Federico Geremicca sulla Stampa – ovvero l’ulivismo della prima ora col suo arredo politico ideale». Quanto sia ancora attraente per il più ampio elettorato italiano questa prospettiva è difficile dirlo, o forse è fin troppo facile per essere qui ricordato. Ma è anche questo tocco di ardita incoscienza che rende ammirevole la scelta della Bindi.
Con la discesa in campo di Letta il menu è destinato a farsi ancora più ricco. Perché solo allora si renderà chiara un’offerta politica esplicitamente diversa da quella rappresentata fino a oggi dal centrosinistra prodiano. Un’offerta capace di svincolarsi dall’abbraccio con la sinistra radicale sulla base di un’esplicita accountability reform. This was explained better than others Umberto Ranieri, a member of his party Ds disappointed by the inability to express in a bid to sign Bersani reform. The main potential Letta - Ranieri told the Corriere della Sera - is in "putting on the carpet programmatic points explicit and concrete reform, risking unpopularity, by coming to terms with the taboos that still persist to some conservatives left."
On the other hand, is the political biography can be read in bed. Young without being youthful, which is good for what it aims to be a new party that will adopt di una classe dirigente anch’essa finalmente nuova. Ma soprattutto esponente della migliore tradizione democristiana, che con Beniamino Andreatta ha saputo incrociare il riformismo popolare con quello di segno Pci e Psi senza mai smarrire l’aggancio all’orizzonte politico e ideale dell’Occidente. Se vogliamo, la candidatura di Letta renderà concreta la suggestione di un «centrosinistra di nuovo conio» che il manifesto di Rutelli si è limitato a indicare senza poi tradurla in una piattaforma alternativa a quella di Veltroni.
Già, Veltroni. Perché tra il ritorno al «prodismo delle origini» di Bindi e l’esplicita opzione riformista di Letta rimane l’autostrada centrista percorsa da Walter Veltroni. Which these days is organizing its troops, directed by Goffredo Bettini, a second monumental scheme that is corporate rather than political. Prepare a "list of young people," a "list of Mayors," a "list of intellectuals", who knows that in a little does not give representation veltroniana also "the tourism industry" and "manual workers". Someone has already called 'Polish lists, "recalling the role played by the" party of the peasants' in the season a distant spice of real socialism.
Veltroni's real strength, however, is its ability not to choose between the two horns of a dilemma, between prodismo old way and a center-new-fangled. But it is here that the referendum election may be made in resolving the knot in his stead. Because the goal of 500,000 signatures to force the political forces, since the beginning of September to find a common solution to avoid a referendum by the unpredictable effects. The formula proposed by Piero Fassino, the convergence with the Pole on the German model, would deprive the small parties of that power of blackmail that has helped to prevent the center to break the tie with PRC. And it is the intersection between this perspective and the political pressure exerted by the candidacies of Letta and perhaps force Bindi Veltroni's candidacy to become less solemn and most recognizable for the choices they will make.
Andrea Romano, born in Livorno in 1967, associate professor of contemporary history at the University of Rome Tor Vergata and responsible non-fiction and historical relevance of the publisher Giulio Einaudi. He writes in the press and Panorama.
Article published in La Stampa, July 22, 2007 www.lastampa.it
E 'in the latter days of July that the center will have to decide what to wear in the fall. Because next week we will define the terms of the political game designed to re-open in September already. On the one hand with the conclusion of the collection of signatures for the referendum election, the other with the formalization of the candidacy of Henry Read in the leadership of the Democratic Party. two events are separate only in appearance, because their plot will push the majority to establish once and for all the direction to take to get out of the shallows where it is. An opportunity will be clear from the first choice of beds, which will help make the primaries for the leadership of the transparent Pd contention between different policy options in the entire country - not just the center-left - shows that they need. Even now, what should have been a sad path coronation plebiscite became richer and more exciting. The candidacy of Rosy Bindi, in addition to the power of popular social witness of which he is, attracts acclaim for his outspoken defense of the experience of government embodied by Romano Prodi: "The origins of prodismo - come ha scritto Federico Geremicca sulla Stampa – ovvero l’ulivismo della prima ora col suo arredo politico ideale». Quanto sia ancora attraente per il più ampio elettorato italiano questa prospettiva è difficile dirlo, o forse è fin troppo facile per essere qui ricordato. Ma è anche questo tocco di ardita incoscienza che rende ammirevole la scelta della Bindi.
Con la discesa in campo di Letta il menu è destinato a farsi ancora più ricco. Perché solo allora si renderà chiara un’offerta politica esplicitamente diversa da quella rappresentata fino a oggi dal centrosinistra prodiano. Un’offerta capace di svincolarsi dall’abbraccio con la sinistra radicale sulla base di un’esplicita accountability reform. This was explained better than others Umberto Ranieri, a member of his party Ds disappointed by the inability to express in a bid to sign Bersani reform. The main potential Letta - Ranieri told the Corriere della Sera - is in "putting on the carpet programmatic points explicit and concrete reform, risking unpopularity, by coming to terms with the taboos that still persist to some conservatives left."
On the other hand, is the political biography can be read in bed. Young without being youthful, which is good for what it aims to be a new party that will adopt di una classe dirigente anch’essa finalmente nuova. Ma soprattutto esponente della migliore tradizione democristiana, che con Beniamino Andreatta ha saputo incrociare il riformismo popolare con quello di segno Pci e Psi senza mai smarrire l’aggancio all’orizzonte politico e ideale dell’Occidente. Se vogliamo, la candidatura di Letta renderà concreta la suggestione di un «centrosinistra di nuovo conio» che il manifesto di Rutelli si è limitato a indicare senza poi tradurla in una piattaforma alternativa a quella di Veltroni.
Già, Veltroni. Perché tra il ritorno al «prodismo delle origini» di Bindi e l’esplicita opzione riformista di Letta rimane l’autostrada centrista percorsa da Walter Veltroni. Which these days is organizing its troops, directed by Goffredo Bettini, a second monumental scheme that is corporate rather than political. Prepare a "list of young people," a "list of Mayors," a "list of intellectuals", who knows that in a little does not give representation veltroniana also "the tourism industry" and "manual workers". Someone has already called 'Polish lists, "recalling the role played by the" party of the peasants' in the season a distant spice of real socialism.
Veltroni's real strength, however, is its ability not to choose between the two horns of a dilemma, between prodismo old way and a center-new-fangled. But it is here that the referendum election may be made in resolving the knot in his stead. Because the goal of 500,000 signatures to force the political forces, since the beginning of September to find a common solution to avoid a referendum by the unpredictable effects. The formula proposed by Piero Fassino, the convergence with the Pole on the German model, would deprive the small parties of that power of blackmail that has helped to prevent the center to break the tie with PRC. And it is the intersection between this perspective and the political pressure exerted by the candidacies of Letta and perhaps force Bindi Veltroni's candidacy to become less solemn and most recognizable for the choices they will make.
Andrea Romano, born in Livorno in 1967, associate professor of contemporary history at the University of Rome Tor Vergata and responsible non-fiction and historical relevance of the publisher Giulio Einaudi. He writes in the press and Panorama.
Article published in La Stampa, July 22, 2007 www.lastampa.it
Wednesday, July 11, 2007
Baby Shower Diaper Castle Instructions
Democratic Party and labor policies
| Il Corriere della Sera, July 11, 2007 THE LEFT dead ends Democratic Party and labor policies of | One of the reasons which underlie the Democratic Party - not the main, but not one of the least important - is the need for liberal Democrats to get out of blind alleys in which the Italian left was driven over the last decade policy labor affecting its design, striving to play a leading role in the European debate on these issues. The left one has got every time, for fear of discussion on some points of his old firm, has chosen to defend it with a slogan exhaustive, almost a catechism precept, which aimed to cut off the debate in the bud, but also to burn the bridges behind him, to preclude any future change of heart. For example: when, around 2000, has begun - even within the center, with a bill of Tiziano Treu-to discuss the possibility and opportunity to reform the individual protection against dismissal, the DS and the CGIL, followed obviously from the radical left, has declared Article 18 of the Statute of the sacred and inviolable, as the 'bulwark in defense of freedom and dignity in the workplace, "and this slogan have organized demonstrations ocean. slogan is false because no one can seriously claim that hundreds of millions of Europeans to work in conditions of substantial and undignified servitude, because they are without Article 18, but evoke the dignity and freedom of the human person was a move convenient and effective to close the debate before it opened. The node is then promptly came to a head in 2002 when the radical left, take our word for DS and CGIL, has promosso il referendum per estendere il campo di applicazione dell'articolo 18 alle imprese con meno di 16 dipendenti. Logico: se è in gioco la libertà e la dignità delle persone, tutti devono goderne. Ma le cose non stanno così e l'estensione dell' inamovibilità di fatto del lavoratore anche alle imprese minori sarebbe una follia; per questo, l'anno dopo Ds e Cgil sono stati costretti a fare poco dignitosamente il pesce in barile, adoperandosi sostanzialmente perché il referendum fallisse. Intanto, però, sul piano della possibile riforma, il discorso era bloccato: col chiudere la questione in un cassetto gettando la chiave, Ds e Cgil si erano preclusi di affrontarla seriamente per un lungo tempo a venire. Ora Green Paper on employment policy of 'European Union explicitly invites us to rethink the regulation of dismissals for economic reasons, but the Italian center was placed in a position of not being able to participate effectively in this debate: the topic is off limits. He'll know the Democratic Party, with moderation and intelligence, free from this mental block? Something similar happens on the delicate question of the possibility to vary the minimum standards of treatment of workers in poorer regions with high unemployment: here the closure of the debate without prior appeal is entrusted with the slogan "no cages wage." In fact, leave a space for collective bargaining decentralized to differentiate the level and structure of pay, taking into account the specific conditions of each region, it is the opposite of imposing a 'cage' the real 'cage', if anything, is the barrier that prevents you from doing so. Mal'artificio dialectic is most effective: those who could never be in favor of something called "cage wage"? So what slogan you, again, to drop a tombstone on the issue of possible decentralization of bargaining with the minimum standards, although this trend is just now overwhelmingly in the industrialized West. The PD is not asked to be biased in favor o contrario a quella differenziazione di standard, ma solo di saper aprire su di essa una discussione pragmatica. È ancora lo stesso errore quello che la sinistra ha commesso quando ha precipitosamente demonizzato la legge Biagi, oppure lo «scalone pensionistico » (altro slogan efficacissimo) destinato a entrare in vigore nel 2008, solo perché varati dall'odiato governo di centrodestra; e ha ripetuto l'errore quando, ancora per questo solo motivo, di quelle norme ha avventatamente sancito la necessità dell'abrogazione ponendola addirittura tra i punti essenziali del proprio programma elettorale. Salvo poi scoprire che la legge Biagi è uno strumento utile contro l'abuso dei contratti di lavoro precari e quindi servirsene For this purpose, as did the Minister of Labour Damiano in the call center, or to acknowledge honestly-as they did but unfortunately untimely Massimo D'Alema and Piero Fassino in recent days - that the rule of retirement at 60 years, though introduced with the "staircase" of Maroni, it is not unfair and makes available resources to address social issues far more urgent (there was not a "staircase" much more steep one introduced by the Dini reform of 1995, by a vote of the center? ). The Democratic Party was also created to leave behind so biased and unintelligent to address the issues, to enable the center to get out of alleys blind which is driven in recent years and develop a labor policy more pragmatic, more open to doubt and experimentation. But on this point, the new party must have the courage to give immediately an unequivocal and strong signal.  Monday, July 2, 2007Colorado Cruising Spots
The Democratic Party and the centrality of work
The dossier Biagi Foundation on the theme: The Democratic Party and the centrality of work by Thomas Pizzo Source: www.fmb.unimore.it 
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
|