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of PIETRO GARIBALDI

Although the government has succeeded in to approve the Finance Act in the Senate, the real policy choices will be played next week with the passage in Parliament of the so-called welfare package. The draft Law on Welfare, un testo tecnicamente separato dalla Finanziaria, contiene infatti la riforma delle pensioni e le modifiche alla normativa sul mercato del lavoro approvate dal governo con le parti sociali lo scorso luglio, e poi sottoposte in autunno dal sindacato a un referendum dei lavoratori.

Durante il passaggio parlamentare in commissione Lavoro, la maggioranza ha ancora una volta dimostrato che le differenze all’interno della coalizione sulle vere scelte di politica economica sono più vive che mai. La commissione Lavoro ha apportato due importanti modifiche rispetto al testo approvato a luglio. Le modifiche riguardano la disciplina dei lavori usuranti e la normativa dei contratti a termine. Entrambe le modifiche vanno chiaramente incontro alle esigenze della vecchia left. The senator said that Dini has been in the Senate, where the package will then move on welfare, will not vote no changes to the text of July. The Council of Ministers yesterday also announced that he will trust in the classroom, but the Minister for Relations with Parliament has not explained whether the trust will be placed on the text of July or amended in committee. The situation is nothing short of chaotic. The legal definition of strenuous work is very important, since this is the identification of those employees who may retire in 2008 with 35 years of service and 57 years of age, thus not having to meet the expected gradual increase in retirement age for the rest Italian workers.

The changes bring the legislation in committee have in fact expanded the total number of those entitled to almost 3 million workers, with significant risks in terms of public expenditure. Welfare Package, which includes the elimination of the famous staircase pension reform introduced by Maroni, already involves a charge of EUR 10 billion. Broadening the audience of strenuous work, the bill is expected to grow already salty. That of strenuous work is a very complicated matter. The only way to define an arduous job is probably to analyze the link between life expectancy and type of work. Matters of this kind should be removed from pure calculation politico e corroborate da analisi scientifiche molto dettagliate, come suggerito da Tito Boeri su queste pagine. La decisione più sensata sarebbe probabilmente quella di confermare al governo una delega, in modo che l’argomento possa essere discusso con maggior rigore in un’apposita commissione. La seconda modifica riguarda la disciplina sui lavoratori a termine. I lavoratori a termine sono oggi in Italia circa il 10 per cento degli occupati, ma riguardano quasi la metà dei lavoratori più giovani. La partita sulle regole del lavoro è un elemento chiave della società italiana, e sarà destinata a tenere banco nella politica economica per i prossimi anni. In quest'ottica, sebbene le decisioni prese dal pacchetto Welfare siano marginali and non-solvers, are being introduced, however, significant limitations to the possibility of using these contracts. In July it was decided that after 36 months of employment to an end at the extension of the contract would have happened only after authorization from union. The Committee on Labour has introduced two further restrictions instead. It would also be considered in the 36 months periods of interruption of employment in general and would like to make a single legitimate extension of eight months. The representatives of employers have established "acceptable" these changes.

Beyond the details of the changes, which seems really bizarre is the method used by the majority of government. On the one hand, it is clear that Parliament is sovereign in the field of social security policy and the regulation of the labor market. On the other hand, one can not forget that the original text of July was not only the result of long negotiations with the social partners, but was then also approved in the workplace for millions of workers. The simplest solution would be consistent and keep strictly to the text agreed with that agreement, but very rarely in Italy the economic policy follows simple and consistent way.

La Stampa, 24 November 2007
www.lastampa.it

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The market serves consistency and equality

of Pietro Ichino

In many discussions I feel renewed the question posed by Piero Ostellino Michele Salvati, Francesco Giavazzi, Nicola Rossi on the Courier and I of 18 October: "How can the Left to his own conversion to liberalism survive?". I answer with a question in my turn, "How can succeed today if liberalism is not the bearer left to do with it? '. A modern society needs to ensure security for all, can not stand excessive disparities in the well-being. We can therefore allow the free market unless we are able to combine it with confidence and support for the weak. And this is typical of the craft left.

Una sinistra che si proponga essenzialmente l'equa ripartizione delle risorse e delle opportunità, garantendola a individui liberi di scegliere, non può fare a meno della tecnica raffinata di governo dell'economia che consiste nel costruire un mercato libero e ben funzionante, eliminandone distorsioni e asimmetrie: finora non è stata inventata alcuna tecnica migliore di questa. Dove non opera un vero mercato concorrenziale, le ingiustizie sono, mediamente, molto più diffuse e più gravi: «Il mercato — ha scritto il grande economista liberal Arthur M. Okun — ha più spesso subito delle limitazioni per salvaguardare il potere e i privilegi per i pochi che per garantire eguali diritti per i molti» (Equality and efficiency, 1975).

The competitive market, however, has a "political failure": it (does not create, but) shows very accurately the differences in ability among individuals. And these, in the transition from industrial society to post-industrial, are strongly increasing. Since the civilization of a country is measured by how its citizens are poor, there is politically difficult to abandon the old techniques authoritative assurance of equal opportunities, which actually generate income positions on the one hand, the other exclusions, but they a comforting illusion of equality among citizens. Abandon those techniques can only be shown his ability to ensure more effectively support the "losers", their inclusion in the large positive-sum game.

Let's apply this idea in the hot field of work. Today, much of yesterday, work to do there is something for everyone: what creates the false perception of a "labor shortage" is the market failure, also caused by an excess of constraints, placed in an attempt (failed ) to ensure that all minimum standards of treatment. Even in the labor market, the real competition is not given 'in kind', it needs rules, but not the jungle of rules that now make it sticky and inaccessible. In a market that would allow a freer meeting between supply and demand - respect for fundamental civil rights - would sweep away the current unjust division between those inside and those who are excluded from the fortified citadel of the regular work, and the employees themselves would be fired entrepreneurs choose the best and worst . But in that market constraints would increase the reduction of differences in treatment between regular workers, highlighting the inequalities in capacity between individuals much more so than today.

most talented or lucky I earn more, and if they would also benefit the middle band, and the last of the row would not risk the exclusion, but they would risk a low wage.

a real liberalization of the labor market - with all the benefits it brings in terms of social mobility, equal opportunities and promotion of merit - is so politically unthinkable only a system capable of giving strong support to the weakest.

A system of this kind is, for example, what governs the labor market in Denmark: great freedom in the contractual relationship between firms and workers, including freedom of redundancy, but at the same time, high-capacity system to join hands with those who lose their place, guaranteeing continuity of income combined with effective information and guidance services, formazione mirata alle possibilità di lavoro effettive, assistenza alla mobilità. Tutto questo è opera di una sinistra politica: appartiene alla tradizione della grande social-democrazia scandinava.

Oggi probabilmente neppure questo basta più: occorre saper fare fronte a disuguaglianze molto più marcate di quelle tipiche della vecchia fabbrica fordista. Qui le nuove frontiere della «costruzione dell'uguaglianza» sono quelle del reddito garantito per tutti i cittadini fino a quindici anni e del potenziamento della scuola, per combattere la disparità delle dotazioni fin dal suo nascere; quella della contribuzione previdenziale a carico dell'erario per i «bassi servizi», i bad jobs; quella dell'esenzione fiscale totale per i redditi di lavoro bassi. Tutti temi tipicamente propri dell'agenda di una sinistra moderna.
Questo non significa che solo la sinistra possa liberalizzare il mercato del lavoro.
Significa che anche la destra, se vuole farlo davvero, deve imparare a fare almeno un po' il mestiere proprio della sinistra.

fonte: www.corriere.it

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